Hilary Pais was head of the National Labour Institute, in New Delhi, for six years from 1984. He chaired the Committee on Wages for the National Commission on Rural Labour in India and authored that Commission's report on wages.
He was Chairman of the Industrial Committee on Plantations for the International Labour Organisation in 1982.
He has consulted for the ILO and the UNICEF.
He was member on the Committee of Experts on the Consumer Price Index, in1982.
Pais has a number of publications on wages, on management systems and on conditions of work.
He has a Masters in Economics,a degree in Law and Ph. D in Business Administration.
He has experience of management in industry and in government.
When he is not traveling abroad, he lives in Bangalore in India
INTRODUCTION TO THE SITE
The primary purpose of this website is to publish research. Most of my work on wages and terms of employment has been documented and is in use in institutions in India and abroad. Four of these publications, FEEDBACK FROM JHABUA, a pioneer study of poverty alleviation programmes, FACE TO FACE, which documents the action intervention that followed that study (with C S K Singh), WAGES AND THE STATE which is a policy document on wages in India and EQUALS (with Ramprakash), which is a study of the legal and structural inequalities in the employment situation of women in India, are also to be found in the Library of Congress in the United States.
The document on Assam will dominate this website for some time to come. In that part of the subcontinent, during the entire length of the 20th century and in the 12 years of the current one, events have taken place, the kind of which one does not see elsewhere in the world. The significance of those events which are momentous by any standards are deliberately underplayed by those in positions of responsibility. I refer in particular to the massive movement of people from the Mymensingh region of Eastern Bengal that later became East Pakistan and is now called Bangladesh, into the adjoining Brahmaputra Valley in Assam. The Brahmaputra Valley which commences at the extreme north-east corner immediately below the tri-junction between Tibet, Burma and India, extends to the west until the great river flows into what is now Bangladesh. The Brahmaputra Valley is the true Assam with the rest of the geographical territories like the two hill districts and the Cachar Valley as peripherals. The colonisation of the Brahmaputra Valley by the Mymensingha that began at the commencement of the 20th century is now reaching culmination with that community through its overwhelming numbers set to dominate all aspects of life in the region. This central factor and other reactions associated with it have been analysed in the in detail. The analysis includes the role played by major political parties and combinations in India since the 30s of the 20th century as well as the role played by regional configurations that have figured in the political life of Assam in recent times.
Document Assam carries a chapter on Assam Accord that was uploaded six months back. Grumbling against the cut-off date 1971 in the Accord began about three years ago. But it remained just that, grumbling without any concrete action. My chapter on the Accord contains a comprehensive analysis of the manner in which it deals a deathblow to the indigenous people of Assam by conferring citizenship on millions of East Pakistani illegals who entered Assam between 1948 and 1971. I am not surprised that post analysis, a group of indigenous people have joined together and filed a writ petition in the Supreme Court of India challenging the cut-off date of 1971 in the Assam accord and the subsequent amendment in 1985 to the Citizenship Act. As far as the law goes, the cut-off and the subsequent action that applies exclusively to Assam, is clearly discriminatory and violates Article 14 of the Constitution of India. I wish the writ petitioners well but I am not sure of their success. Mainly because of the delay that has taken place between 1985 and now. Matters of this nature in the Supreme Court take particularly long time, like the consideration and disposal of the IMDT law ,that took more than five years.
The analysis in The Regulator has held good. There are attempts by the United States government to strengthen regulations in the financial sector. Gary Gensler as chairman of the US Commodity Futures Trading Commission is working to re-establish regulations in futures trading. Ironically Gensler was a Junior member of the Clinton administration team of Larry Summers and Alan Greenspan that piloted the Commodity Futures Modernisation Act to give a free run to financial institutions trading credit default swaps. The United States and the world economy is still to recover from the disaster that followed.
The Naxals is on this site since July 2006. The paper has evoked a great deal of response from around the world. Among these, the observations of one reader are very interesting. This person points out, that excluding the Navy and the Air Force, about 80 per cent of the armed forces (comprehensive for men and women bearing arms under the Central and State governments) in India, were deployed against its own people. The subject of Naxals has gained in importance over the last few years for a variety of reasons. The paper on this website continues to draw attention from various parts of the world and has been acknowledged by a number of readers as the most comprehensive treatise on the subject. When I find the time, I intend to do an update on Naxals and probably, call it Naxals Revisited.
The paper titled THE COURT was loaded on the 8th of March, 2008. On this paper you have a discussion on judicial review followed by an evaluation of the working of the judicial system in India. Like The Naxals, the paper on judicial review has attracted worldwide attention. Comments and queries have come from a number of quarters that include law schools, universities and surprisingly, the judiciary, from different countries. Again, time permitting, I intend to revisit the subject.
I am pulling out the article on Loka Ayukta. The office does not exist any more in Karnataka. Any choice of person to hold that post immediately results in display of information gained through the right to information. It appears that in some manner of other every judge in the state is under obligation of some kind to the state government. Mostly that relates to grants of plots of land to judges by the state government which while not being illegal in itself, amounts to violation of propriety . Time permitting the paper on the Loka Ayukta will find its way back in some other format.
The page on GOVERNANCE remains. The information that it contains on slavery in the suburbs of Bangalore, is too precious to be lost.
This website has the e-mail firstname.lastname@example.org which is the vehicle for readers to communicate their responses.
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